Some History Of Nigeria Political Government

A new phase of ethnic conflict emerged with the control of some governmental  powers by Nigerian political leaders. The latter followed in the footsteps of the colonialists. In their political tutelage under colonial rule Nigerian politicians not only imbibed the policy of repression but also the art of political manipulation, as well as the technique of divide-and rule. As far back as 1948 well before their assumption of governmental
powers such political manipulation of ethnicity nearly led to a violent eruption in the capital city of Lagos. At this time Nnamdi Azikiwe’s political opponents were frightened by his power to ruin them notonly politically but also financially through branding them as political stooges of imperialism. The resultant resentment against him spilled over to his Igbo co-ethnics whom Azikiwe had also been cultivating politically.
 Azikiwe’s critics accused him of ethnic chauvinism and the glorification of the Igbo and their achievement to the neglect of the progress of other groups. In fact, some Yoruba leaders accused him of assassinating the character of prominent Yoruba and began mobilizing the Yoruba community against him at the same time as his Igbo supporters mobilized the Igbo community behind him. Consequently, Igbo-Yoruba tension mounted leading to the formation ofthe Egbe Omo Oduduwa and, therefore, the inauguration of a period of cold war in Lagosbetween the two groups. During the course of this war virulent and intemperate ethnic slurs and retaliatory remarks were freely and frequently made (Coleman, 1858: 341-343). A press war of unprecedented violence was carried on between the West African Pilotrepresenting Azikiwe and the Daily Service representing his Yoruba rivals. Between July and September of 1948, Igbo-Yoruba hostility assumed such high proportions that extremists on both sides bought up all available matchets in the Lagos markets in anticipation of ethnic violence. Although violence did not materialize, growth in ethnic prejudice, identification and sentiments had increased beyond tolerable threshold. Ever since, it has become very difficult to reach anagreement on crucial national matters, with the exception of the date for independence, between the Igbo and Yoruba political leaders. The consequent spiraling of tension at the time was reinforced by the introduction of ethnic machinations into the labour movement. When on 29 November
1947, the General Council of the Trade Union Congress (TUC) voted to maintain its affiliation with the NCNC contrary to the wishes of the Yoruba-dominated Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM); the Daily Serviceblamed the decision on the Igbo in the TUC (Coleman, 1958: 346; Ananaba, 1958: 92).
 When from 1951 Nigerian politicians began to exercise governmental power, first in the regions and later at the center,  the tempo of ethnic conflict quickened. Governmental repression, the harbinger of ethnic identity, became more pervasive and sometimes even more intense than under colonial rule. Although forced labour and colonial-type expeditionary force actions were no longer part of the repertory of  repression, nevertheless, the Nigerian politicians continued the inherited process of government by dictation. The produce marketing boards continued to set commodity prices for farmers without their knowledge and consent; and the government invested the huge surpluses of these boards without reference to the interests and views of the farmers. The peasant creators of the wealth suffered in silence. At the political level popular
choice was often frustrated by intimidation, thuggery, financial inducement, bribery and corruption, and outright rigging of elections. There was very little, if any, attempt to reach consensus with the people on either the recruitment of political office holders or the choice of policies. And no political opposition was tolerated within the same ethnoregional homeland.